97), self-reported symptoms (Grzywacz, Butler, Almeida, 2008), and indicators of morbidity like sickness absence (Clays, Kittel, Godin, Bacquer, Backer, 2009) and use of health care services (Christiaens Bracke, 2014) over time. Shockley and Allen (2013) reported that heart rate and blood pressure are higher on days with elevated work amily conflict, although this association may depend on levels of supervisor support. The most definitive evidence to date of the health effects of work amily conflict will ultimately come from Work, Family Health Network randomized trials; these data are currently being analyzed, but results PD150606 site fromFam Relat. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2017 February 01.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptGrzywacz and SmithPagepilot work implicate work amily conflict in musculoskeletal pain (Kim et al., 2013), and elevated cardiovascular risk scores (Berkman et al., 2010). There is a small but growing body of evidence linking work amily conflict with diverse health behaviors. Frone and colleagues (Frone, Barnes, Farrell, 1994) were among the first to document associations between elevated work amily conflict and greater alcohol use, which was subsequently replicated in a cross-sectional and nationally representative sample (Grzywacz Marks, 2000b). Work amily conflict has also been found to predict greater alcohol use over time (Frone, Russell, Cooper, 1997; Leineweber, Baltzer, Magnusson Hanson, Westerlund, 2013; Wolff, Rospenda, Richman, Liu, Milner, 2013) and in daily diary research (Wang, Liu, Zhan, Shi, 2010). In addition, work amily conflict has been associated with greater intensity of daily smoking (Macy, Chassin, Presson, 2013; Nelson, Li, Sorensen, Berkman, 2012), poorer eating habits (Grace, Williams, Stewart, Franche, 2006; Roos, Sarlio-Lahteenkorva, Lallukka, Lahelma, 2007), less physical activity (Moen et al., 2011), and sleep disruption (Crain et al., 2014; Jacobsen et al., 2014). Several innovations in biomarker research will equip researchers to test biological or physiological mechanisms linking work amily conflict with health outcomes (Buxton, Klein, Whinnery, Williams, McDade, 2013), although this area of research awaits attention. Unresolved Issues and Remaining Questions Historical and ongoing research has answered several important questions about the role of work amily conflict in NSC 697286 web shaping the health of working parents. Several recent reviews (Grzywacz, in press) and meta-analyses (Amstad et al., 2011; Butts et al., 2013; Michel et al., 2011) point to gaps in this literature and high-priority areas for additional research. In this review we emphasize three of these gaps because they are especially pertinent to this special issue. First, work amily researchers have yet to focus on a fundamental issue; that is, when a working parent confronts an experience of work amily conflict, how and under what conditions is the decision made to attend to the work responsibility (producing work interference with family) or the family responsibility (producing family interference with work)? Second, despite early claims by Frone, Russell, and Cooper (1997) of differential health threat, it remains unclear whether family interference with work is a more damaging stressor than work interference with family. Third and finally, there is very little theory or evidence explaining how work amily conflict gets “under the skin” to affect discrete health ou.97), self-reported symptoms (Grzywacz, Butler, Almeida, 2008), and indicators of morbidity like sickness absence (Clays, Kittel, Godin, Bacquer, Backer, 2009) and use of health care services (Christiaens Bracke, 2014) over time. Shockley and Allen (2013) reported that heart rate and blood pressure are higher on days with elevated work amily conflict, although this association may depend on levels of supervisor support. The most definitive evidence to date of the health effects of work amily conflict will ultimately come from Work, Family Health Network randomized trials; these data are currently being analyzed, but results fromFam Relat. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2017 February 01.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptGrzywacz and SmithPagepilot work implicate work amily conflict in musculoskeletal pain (Kim et al., 2013), and elevated cardiovascular risk scores (Berkman et al., 2010). There is a small but growing body of evidence linking work amily conflict with diverse health behaviors. Frone and colleagues (Frone, Barnes, Farrell, 1994) were among the first to document associations between elevated work amily conflict and greater alcohol use, which was subsequently replicated in a cross-sectional and nationally representative sample (Grzywacz Marks, 2000b). Work amily conflict has also been found to predict greater alcohol use over time (Frone, Russell, Cooper, 1997; Leineweber, Baltzer, Magnusson Hanson, Westerlund, 2013; Wolff, Rospenda, Richman, Liu, Milner, 2013) and in daily diary research (Wang, Liu, Zhan, Shi, 2010). In addition, work amily conflict has been associated with greater intensity of daily smoking (Macy, Chassin, Presson, 2013; Nelson, Li, Sorensen, Berkman, 2012), poorer eating habits (Grace, Williams, Stewart, Franche, 2006; Roos, Sarlio-Lahteenkorva, Lallukka, Lahelma, 2007), less physical activity (Moen et al., 2011), and sleep disruption (Crain et al., 2014; Jacobsen et al., 2014). Several innovations in biomarker research will equip researchers to test biological or physiological mechanisms linking work amily conflict with health outcomes (Buxton, Klein, Whinnery, Williams, McDade, 2013), although this area of research awaits attention. Unresolved Issues and Remaining Questions Historical and ongoing research has answered several important questions about the role of work amily conflict in shaping the health of working parents. Several recent reviews (Grzywacz, in press) and meta-analyses (Amstad et al., 2011; Butts et al., 2013; Michel et al., 2011) point to gaps in this literature and high-priority areas for additional research. In this review we emphasize three of these gaps because they are especially pertinent to this special issue. First, work amily researchers have yet to focus on a fundamental issue; that is, when a working parent confronts an experience of work amily conflict, how and under what conditions is the decision made to attend to the work responsibility (producing work interference with family) or the family responsibility (producing family interference with work)? Second, despite early claims by Frone, Russell, and Cooper (1997) of differential health threat, it remains unclear whether family interference with work is a more damaging stressor than work interference with family. Third and finally, there is very little theory or evidence explaining how work amily conflict gets “under the skin” to affect discrete health ou.